Ani, Uchenna S. Ph.D., MHSN
Department of History and Strategic Studies,
Alex Ekwueme Federal University, Ndufu-Alike, Ikwo, Nigeria
uchennaani05@yahoo.com
and
Ezeonwuka Innocent-Franklyn O. Ph.D., MHSN
Department of History International Studies and Diplomacy
Godftrey Okoye University, Enugu, Nigeria
egbuacho@gmail.com , +2348033096134
ABSTRACT
This paper accessed the efforts at nation building in Nigeria in the period between
31st December 1983 and 27th August 1985. It advanced that the principles of
nation building revolves around national ideas and desires that will manifest in
sentiments, programs and activities that will secure and maintain the prosperity
welfare and integrity of a nation. In Africa, colonial inheritance made the task of
nation building difficult as groups who are not meant to be were lumped together
into an artificial state. Also, colonial liabilities of economic dependence of African
states to western countries extensively hindered every effort at building African
nations into greatness. In Nigeria, high level corruption and gross economic
mismanagement deepened underdevelopment to a point that led to military
intervention on the 31st of December 1983. Within the twenty month stewardship
of the military regime, Nigeria was picked up from the shambles and laudable
policies were designed to place her among the emerging nations of the world. The
leaders drove these policies amidst criticisms of high handedness, repression and
adamancy. Though the regime was overthrown, it was among the best Nigeria
experienced in terms of fight against corrupt practices and sincerity in the
implementation of policies. All these will be historicized using qualitative research
methodology.
Key Words: Nationhood, Nation-Building, Policies
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Introduction:
The area that is today known as Nigeria exists as multiplicity of diverse ethnic
nations that varied in its sizes. Each ethnic group occupies a distinct and
continuous territory. Most of the smaller groups had very little contact with other
groups before the spread of Islam and subsequent imposition of Colonial rule1
.
The first step towards the unification of these ethnic nations into a single political
entity started in 1851 when Lord Palmerston the British secretary of states in the
period appointed Mr. John Beecroft as the British Consul in charge of Bight of
Benin and Biafra.2
In 1861 Lagos became a British colony; this invariably gave
rise to the influx of numerous British multi-national companies which aided
British expansionism. George Tubman Goldie’s Royal Niger Company was
prominent in the period of which with their possession of the Royal charter, they
were able to strip the hitherto independent ethnic nations of their independence.
This necessitated the arrival of the British Crown and the hoisting of the Union
Jack declaring the area that is today known as Nigeria both Colonies and
protectorates under the British crown.
This paper will not necessarily concern itself either with the British Colonialism or
nationalist activities in Nigeria; it will only make an assessment of the extent at
which Nigerian Statesmen used the power and resources within their disposal to
build Nigeria into a better nation. The major focus of this work is General
Buhari’s regime which lasted between December 31st 1983 and August 27th 1985.
In doing this, the concept of nation will be examined likewise the theories of
nation building this will provide a vent that will enable us make an assessment of
nation building in Nigeria in the period under review, then comes the conclusion.
The Concept of Nation.
Every human being whether Finn or French, Semite or Aryan, Slav or Slovak,
Berber or Bantu belong to some groups with a collective name which can all be
seen as nations. The concept and understanding of “nation” has evoked a lot of
mixed interest among scholars; this of course made it mean different thing to
different people. K.R. Minogue postulated that by the seventeenth even up to the
nineteenth century especially in France and Germany “nation” was coming to
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stand for a political people of a society. Hence some people will define nation as
the king and the nobility3
. The French nobility had long regarded themselves as
racially and morally distinct from the rest of the French population. During the
empire years of West Africa, the Sonninke, Malinke, Sunni, Mai and other ruling
families were regarded as the nation. The Ashentehene of Ashantiland within the
first half of the eighteenth century, especially during the reign of Osei Tutu, saw
themselves as possessing divine right and occupying a special place in the
relationship with the Ominipotent4
. They alone were the nation. This
exclusiveness meant that the term “nation” signifies a club which everyone was
anxious to join. No wonder, Mohammed Toure perpetuated himself by all means
into the fold of rulers and nobility by assassinating Sunni Baru to become the
emperor of the Songhai empire5
.
In the nineteenth century, the connotation of a nation took a new turn when Jean
Jacque Rousseau rejected the embodiment of nation in the personal sovereignty of
the ruling class and boldly identified “nation” as “people”,6
therefore making the
nation not a responsibility of the king and the nobility but that of the generality of
the people. This leads us to a dimension of asking, which people has a
responsibility to the nation? Ramsey Muir defined it as people who feel
themselves to be naturally linked together by certain affinities, which is so strong
and real for them that they can happily live together, and as well dissatisfied when
disunited and cannot tolerate subjection of people who do not share these ties.7
Minouge in quoting Pace defined nation as a group of people who claim some
kind of common descent8
, it was therefore appropriate for any self conscious
group of people for instance the Ijae, Ijebu, Ibadan etc to choose to belong to the
Yourba nation. This position therefore suggests that a nation must not be enclosed
in a particular geographical location under a government but should be a
consciousness in the mind of people that they belong to a particular nation. To
Benedict Anderson, nations are imagined communities.9
He posited that all
communities larger than the primordial villages of face-to-face contact are
imagined. Communities are therefore distinguished, not by their falsity or
genuineness but by the style in which they are imagined. This position also
favoured the Jews in the period before 1948 when their state was established.
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Before 1948, they perceived themselves as belonging to the Jewish nation inspite
of the fact that they were scattered around the world.
But, is merely imagining belonging to a nation strong enough to sustain
nationhood? Rupert Emerson came up with a different idea when he defined a
nation as a community of people who feel that they belong together in the double
sense that they share deeply significant element of common heritage and as well
have common destiny for the future.10 Emerson’s view of a nation makes some
condition for the connotation of a nation very clear, firstly, nation is made up of
people who are driven by a natural (and not political) consent. People who are not
coerced to coming together but people driven by “will” giving up their
individualism for collectivism. “will” is a natural attribute that is rooted in the
hearts of people. It goes beyond mere consciousness of belonging to a group but to
a commitment that makes nationals highly responsible for the well being of their
nation. Secondly, nation is made up of a people who do not only share a common
heritage but people who believe in common destiny for the future. Such people
identifies not only with what satisfies their immediate need as a nation but also
with that which will secure a glorious future for their generation even if they will
not directly participate in it. People of such natural communities intensely and
unequivocally identify themselves to their nation even to the extent of laying down
their lives for it inspite of however they may differ among themselves on other
issues.
However great its importance, it is clear that the nation is the only one of many
communities in which men have intensely lived their lives through the ages.
Though such interests as the family, locality, religious group, conscience and even
economic interest have risen at particular times to prevail over national allegiance
for particular individuals or groups, it is evident that for most men, the national
allegiance takes precedence over all other claims.11 Such claims have also yielded
the pride of place to the nation after harsh struggles with it (nation) competing for
people’s allegiance.
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Nation Building.
Nation-building according to Bingham etal, is the process whereby people transfer
the commitment and loyalty from smaller ethnic group, villages or petty
principalities to a larger central political unit.12 They posited that it is basically a
process of socio-political development which allows loosely knitted communities
to become a common society with a nation state corresponding to it.13 To Rotgak
Gofwen, nation-building deals with the dynamic transmission to meet up with the
responsibility of providing for the citizenry the basic resources for existential
survival.14 He advanced that the task is dependent on the statesmen who have
prepared their minds towards undertaking a common goal of securing and
sustaining the greatness of their nation to mobilize the economic and sociopolitical forces of the society to the benefit of their nation. Nation-building
therefore, being a deeper level of national identity, deliberately constructed by
statesmen in molding different groups into a nation must center itself within the
confines of national ideas and desires that will manifest in sentiments,
programmes and activities that will secure and maintain the prosperity, welfare,
security and integrity of a nation.
Europe took a center stage in the crystallization of the activities that gave rise to
the theories and practice of nation –building. The Eighteenth century Europe was
characterized by profound effects like social stratification which placed the king
and the nobility who are few in number over the masses. Autocratic monarchs who
are related either by blood or marriage ruled all the states in Europe. The
aristocrats lived in luxury while their subjects worked so hard and lived
miserably.15 The rulers conducted the affairs of their nations un-hindered and as
well took decisions without recourse to the interest of the people.16 A major turn
came in the affairs of Europe when France recorded a pyrrhic victory over Britain
in North America in 1783. The war which hindered democratic reform and
escalated government dept with huge budget deficit led to the imposition of new
taxes upon the poor masses by King Louis XVI for the dept services. This led to
crisis that emptied itself into a revolution that did not only transform the French
politics and society,17 but triggered ideas that strengthened nation-building across
the world.
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Rousseau in the period opened indignant protest against the tyranny meted upon
the people by the privileged that controlled the state in a triple watch word of
liberty, equity and fraternity.18 This of course formed the basis of the French
Revolution of 1789. The unification of Germany and Italy in the mid nineteenth
century and the dismantling of the Ottoman, Russia and Austria-Hungarian
Empire in the twentieth century saw nation building in Europe revolve around the
fight against tyranny and exploitation of the masses.19 It also brought nation
building to the point of repositioning the economic and socio-political structures
of Europe by way of laying strong foundation for the distribution of wealth, power
and influence among statesmen of nations.
As nation states were being built in Europe, empires were built in the wider world.
The industrial revolution in Europe greatly expanded the industrializing state’s
demand for raw materials, labour and markets. In the minds of many European
leaders, the only way to secure access to it was to establish political control of the
territories in which they were located (raw materials, labour and markets),20
–
hence colonialism in Africa. Political boundaries were draw up by European
statesmen; boundaries that cut across nations that existed independent of the other
with fine disregard to its ethnic nationals.21 This great liability made nation
building in Africa entirely different from what is obtainable in Europe. For
instance the Yoruba people were split between Nigeria and Benin Republic, the
Bakongo split between Gabon, Belgian and French Congo; the Somali splited
between Somalia, Djibouti, Kenya and Ethopia22. This, like many others across the
continent were merged with unfamiliar groups thereby making affinity to the
ethnic nation more than that of the nation state as created by the Europeans.
In this regard, nation building in Africa therefore becomes such an effort by
statesmen to construct institutions of national government in an artificial and
multi-national environment, according to a model that will promote peaceful coexistence, safeguard the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the state and as
well distribute wealth and influence among the people to an extent commensurate
for each citizen to lead a good life. To achieve this standard in the independent
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African states led to so many concepts and perceptions to nation building as
postulated by African statesmen.
Nnamdi Azikiwe for instance noted that most of the nations that were artificially
merged into political entities by the Europeans were not supposed to be under a
nation state. For instance in Nigeria where a multiplicity of diverse ethic nations
and languages exists to an extent numbering 400.23 But, having circumstantially
come together into single political entities, that the first task of nation building in
Africa is for African nations to grow above ethnic nationalistic leanings. He
therefore propounded the theory of regeneration (the concept of the New Africa)
which according to him is
… a state of a society where the mind is brought in
harmony with matter… a psychological conception
deeply rooted in a material environment …. The
regeneration of Africa calls for mental freedom and
the transcendence of racial and tribal barriers.24
This means that the old Africa where materialism and ethnic-nationalistic
chauvinism which breeds hatred, unfair competition and dis-unity be destroyed
while a new Africa based on the principles of
a. Spiritual Balance: which involves the spirit of tolerance and respect for
other’s right to their own opinion.
b. Social Regeneration: which is the transcendence over social barriers and
prejudices
c. Economic Determinism: This revolves around economic stability and selfsufficiency that will sustain the African society.
d. Mental Freedom: which is the destruction of the already implanted
inferiority of the African race in the mind of Africans and the appreciation
of African’s glorious past and prospects (mental emancipation)
e. Political Resurgence: which secures the social good and right of all people
in Africa.25
The realization of the New Africa must not be dependent on bloodshed and
disorder but through the spirit of love, respect, selflessness and cooperation.
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To Kwame Nkrumah, the main task of nation building in Africa is to ensure that
the independent African States secures real freedom which according to him, goes
beyond obtaining political independence. He believes that any country that
controls some other countries economic infrastructure indirectly controls that
countries political super structure. This implies that there is no real freedom
without having a firm grip on the economy. He predicted that imperialism will not
end in Africa with political independence as what he called neo-colonialism (the
last stage of imperialism) raises its ugly head in the independent states of Africa.
In an address at the opening ceremony of the bank of Ghana in July 1957, he
posited thus: “Our political independence will be meaningless to us unless we use it to
obtain economic and financial self government”.26
He believes that, if African leaders will improve the personality of their citizens by
mass and quality education, provision of good health care delivery systems and
water supply which will boast life expectancy; provision of electricity in the towns
and villages and other infrastructures that will boost food production27, building
industries (processing, manufacturing and ancillary) which will not only create
employment but boost the economy, the people will be happy, especially when
they are managing their own affairs. In his words, Africans value their freedom to
workout their destiny their own way and not in the ways imposed on them by
either malign or even well-meaning outsiders.28
In his theory of liberation, he believes that the condition that will give impetus to
total liberation in multi-ethnic African states and build it to the extent that will
distribute wealth and influence and as well sustain development across African
states; is for statesmen to build new economic and political structures according to
African ideas – such that will be strong enough to dismantle the exploitative
colonial structures and as well stabilize the domestic African economy.29 There
must be a departure from the imperial economic and political structures that does
not reflect African ideas to a purely African economic and political structure – a
structure that responds to the African environment which alone guarantees total
liberation.
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Making a shift from an already existing system to a new one requires sacrifice and
patience for the new system to stay. In most cases, the use of stringent measures is
necessary to check the mixed feelings that might erupt as a result of the new
system and as well bring people to the place of compliance. In spite of its
numerous challenges, it is a necessary hurdle to cross as it will not only bring
lasting and sustained development; it will secure the future of the nation and the
generation of its citizens. Writing in this autobiography titled Ghana, he states
that:
capitalism is too complicated a system for newly
independent (and multi ethnic) nations …even a
system based on social justice and democratic
constitution may need backing up… by emergency
measures of a totalitarian kind (that will instill
discipline). Without discipline, freedom cannot
survive.30
He postulated that the leadership of the nation-states in Africa and members of the
party must be the first to set examples of all the highest qualities in a nation. This
will in turn set precedence for a sustained nation building programmes that will
run through the ages. In his words,
African leaders must produce unimpeachable
Evidence of integrity, honesty, selflessness and
faithfulness in the position in which they are placed
by the constitution in the service of the nation. They
must abandon ridiculous ostentation and vanity
when the party has charged them with eminent
offices in the state. They should remember
constantly that they hold offices not on their own
right but in the right of … the masses of the
people…31
The total liberation of Africa from the shekels of neo-colonialism into a strong
self-sustained nation based on African ideas and values with an economy highly
capable to compete in the world market place, finds impetus on how good we were
able to conduct ourselves in the offices we occupy.
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Nation Building in Nigeria from December 31st, 1983 to August 27th, 1985:
An Assessment.
How far have Nigerian statesmen really conducted themselves in the offices they
occupied? But before we make an assessment of the stewardship of Gen. Buhari
and his comrades on nation building in Nigeria in the period under review, a brief
survey of the situation that brought them into the Nigerian political scene is apt
here. Adamolekun noted that from the second half of 1983 the nations attention
was focused on the series of legislative and executive elections scheduled for
August and September of that same year; and judging by the electoral fraud that
was prevalent during the primary elections, it was obvious that the general election
will be marred with violence and massive rigging, and it was so.32 Law and order
broke down, virtually in all the states, most especially in Ondo and Oyo states.
The pre-occupation of politics and election resulted in serious deterioration and
economic paralysis that gripped the nation as early as April 1982; with significant
proportions of available funds at all levels of government devoted to election
campaigns. Almost in all states, workers were either being owed salary arrears of
between eight an twelve months or their salaries cut, yet the political leaders revel
in squandermania, corruption and indiscipline which continued to proliferate
public appointments.33
The problem of moral decadence was worsened by the plight of the vast majority
of the people who were facing increased hardship of maintaining a decent standard
of living.34 The prevailing condition was therefore highly unbearable for Nigerians
and when the military struck on the 31st of December 1983, it did not surprise
most opinion leaders in the country.35 The average citizen felt a great sense of
relief at the overthrow of the civilian regime. Two reasons were clear why the
military regime was accepted; first it was seen as a regime that will maintain law
and order to such extent that will guarantee the security of lives and properties.
Secondly, it is believed that the steep deterioration in the standard of living could
be arrested. General Buhari (the new head of state) in an address to the nation
tagged Why the Change was Necessary published in the National Observer of
Monday 2nd January 1984, was quick to affirm his commitment in responding
positively to the yearnings of Nigerians36
.
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Having suspended the National Assembly (the highest law making body in the
land) for the Supreme Military Council, he appointed and swore in Military
Administrators and other officials; he was set for the task of nation building. In a
world press conference on Thursday January 5th 1984, he defined his policy line
which of course formed the objective of his administration. He emphasized that
the basic pre-occupation of his administration is to revive the national economy by
effectively exploiting and harnessing all available human and material resources
so as to improve the quality of life of all Nigerians37. He posited that the
administration will also strive to:
a) Maintain national unity and stability
b) Give the nation a better and more purposeful sense of direction.
c) Embark on prudent management of the available resources and
diversification of the economy.
d) Achieve self sufficiency in the production of major staple food
commodities and essential raw materials within the targeted period.
e) Encourage labour intensive projects with a view to creating more job
opportunities.
f) Re-phase development projects involving large foreign exchange
commitments.
g) Clean the society of the cankerworm of pervasive corruption.
h) Maintain law and order and ensure the security of lives and properties.
i) Uphold the principles of public accountability and encourage the
development work ethics among Nigerian workers.
j) Check the activities of hoarders, smugglers and all social and economic
saboteurs.38
Gen. Buhari, in his commitment to fulfill his promise to the nation embarked on
the policy of zero tolerance for corruption. He vowed to bring all the corrupt
politicians to book believing that it will not only bring sanity to the polity but
chant the course of accountability for future public office holders. On the 9th of
January 1984, he ordered all the ex-politicians and public office holders to report
to the Police station within 48 hours, he as well restricted the movement of
persons so as to ensure that the politicians that defrauded the country did not
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escape. On Wednesday 11th of January 1984, all the bank accounts belonging to
the politicians especially office holders between 1979 and 1983 were frozen,39 the
government enacted the State Security Decree No 2 which empowered the Chief
of Staff Supreme Headquarters to detain any body concerned with acts that is
prejudicial to the security or to have contributed to the economic adversity of
Nigeria or to have been involved in its perpetuation or instigation.40 The decree
was made retroactive to the 31st of December 1983 probably to validate the
detention of corrupt politicians who were already remanded in the police custody.
About 10,000 politicians were detained across the country it was only Alh. Umaru
Dikko (Former minister for transport), Dr. Joseph Wayas (former president of the
senate) and Chief Adisa Akinloye (Former NPN National Chairman) who escaped.
Others except Alh Shehu Shagari, (former President) and Dr. Alex Ekwueme
(former Vice President) were tried in special tribunal set up by the Supreme
Military Council (SMC) and sentenced to jail, in terms not less than 20 years
imprisonment especially for the former Governors and some Ministers.41
Buhari’s anti-corruption crusade stood out as one of the best Nigeria experienced
up to the time of this writing. They produced evidence of integrity, honesty,
selflessness and faithfulness in carrying out the responsibility conferred on them
by the law. Their action conforms to the saying that he that goes to equity must
possess a clean hand. The zero tolerance for corruption and the cultivation of
diligence, hard work, integrity and excellence in the discharge of their duties went
across the length and breath of the body polity fron the military and Para-military
to civil and public service, schools, private and corporate organizations. The seed
of respect to law and order was sown in the heart of Nigerians. Good work ethics
was evident in the character of Nigerians in every sector.
Public accountability exercise also touched different spheres of the polity. All
public servants were requested to declare their assets those that have bank account
overseas were directed to close it.42 His government probed the activities of
different parastatals, organizations and Universities. The people that could not
operate within the extent of ethnical standards that will influence high level
productivity were dismissed by the administration; others were dismissed also as a
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result of old age.43 This exercise did not only reduce government spending but
built efficiency and productivity on the part Nigerian workers.
General Buhari manifested a strong determination and zeal to turn the economy
around for good. He had a clear sense of direction in revamping the economic
woes of Nigeria. In the period, they identified that the debt toll of the country was
estimated between 15 and 16 billion US Dollars arising mostly from non-existent
transactions by which millions of dollars were illegally siphoned.44 Those
involved in the foreign exchange transactions were directed to prepare copious
information relating to those transactions. If any information was missing, the
transaction was queried and if unsatisfactory answer was received, the government
will reject the payment.45 This actually helped to determine Nigeria’s actual dept
in genuine transaction.
Subsidies were cut off, including those for education and health services, new
taxes were introduced to improve government finances. This measure came as a
result of IMF’s insistence on the devaluation of the naira which the government
found politically unpalatable, therefore preferring recourse to belt-tightening and
other measures within the country for revitalizing the economy.46 The government
also adopted the policy of counter trade for more foreign revenue and rationing of
essential commodities. Emphasis was also laid on reviving the economy through
increased local production and encouragement and protection of indigenous
industries.47 The government decreed a freeze on wedge increase and fringe
benefit both to public and private sector.48 Part of this policy caused a wrought
between the government and the Nigerian Labour Congress, Nigerian Medical
Association, Academic Staff Union of Universities, National Association of
Nigerian Students and other organizations. The government, with the revocation of
its supreme and enforcement of powers banned those unions. There was also the
prohibition of the increase in the price of commodities in the excess of 5 percent
without permission from the government.49
In order to check the activities of hoarders, smugglers and the socio-economic
saboteurs; on the 23rd of April 1984, the chief of staff at the Supreme
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headquarters, Major General Tunde Idiagbon announced the closure of Nigerian’s
land boarders and the change and withdrawal of the old currency for a new one.50
It was hoped by the administration that the change of the naira will stem the tide of
the illegal traffic of the naira and as well render valueless the vast sums of the
national currency that had been smuggled out of the country.
In view of the government’s search for new social order and the re-establishment
of discipline in the country, in March 1984, the government launched the War
Against Indiscipline (WAI).51 The Chief of Staff, enumerated its objectives as to
instill in the mind of Nigerians the noble ideas of national consciousness, mobilize
their mind and gear it towards the sense of nationhood, patriotism and above all
discipline.52 The three phases of WAI – the queue culture phase – the work ethics
phase and – the patriotism and nationalism phase brought to bear a sense of
national consciousness and highly promoted the new Nigerian personality in the
mind of nationals. Through this, love and respect for the country was re-awakened
and spread across the polity. The national anthem and national pledge was
seriously chanted in schools and other public places with people standing in
respect for the country. The monthly environmental sanitation was also introduced
by the Buhari administration – an exercise that is carried out across the country up
to the time of this writing. The WAI brigade was setup and launched in every
sector of the polity to monitor and enforce compliance of people to the polices of
government and punish people that offended to it. This was the first time in many
years that the sense of national consciousness was re-born in the minds of
Nigerians of all spheres.
A cross section of Nigerians criticized his polices and the nature of its
implementation as negative to the reason for the military intervention on the
civilian regime. Brigadier Joshua Dogonyaro for instance posited that though the
Shagari regime left enormity of burden to the administration, that was not the
reason for the slow pace of development.53 He noted that there was a clear absence
of commitment of purpose among the ruling group which subjected government
business to ill motivated power play and considerations.54 The Supreme Military
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Council was made redundant by the actions of the selected few members charged
with the implementation of policies and decisions.
To General Ibrahim Babangida, the government distanced itself from the people it
came to salvage and kept a deaf ear to the constant yearnings and aspirations of
the people as reflected in the media.55 He posited that both General Buhari and
Idiagbon were too rigid and uncompromising in their attitude to issues of national
significance; and efforts to make them understand that a divers polity like Nigeria
requires recognition and appreciation of differences in both cultural and individual
perception only serve to aggravate their attitude.56
They arrogated to themselves absolute knowledge and solution to all problems and
acted in accordance to what was convenient to them using the machinery of
government as their tool. This reflected in the protection of public officers against
public accusation Decree No.4 of 1984 which kept people under the perpetual fear
of expressing how government policies were affecting them. The decree
effectively put under check, journalists who publish what they considered not in
the best interest of the nation. Many of them were incarcerated for offending
against the decree. There was spate of protests against the activities of the War
Against Indiscipline (WAI) Brigade who treated human beings in an undignified
manner. There were also protests by student’s group over the nature of purge in
the public service. They posited that the purge at some point is not based on the
inefficiency of affected people but on animosity and mood of the handlers.57 As
noted by Wole Soyinka, the regime offended not only Nigerians but as well their
comrades in arms – an act which turned it against every section of the country.58
There is no doubt, the Buhari administration has been widely criticized by
nationals of high handedness, insensitivity to public opinion, generation of terror
in domestic and external environment, absence of a programme of transition to
civil rule, promulgation of draconian decrees, detention without trial and the use of
Nigerian Security Organization to harass citizens and create a culture of silence in
the country.59 The understanding derived from Nkrumah’s theory of liberation
made it clear that making a shift from already existing system to an entirely new
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one required sacrifice and patience on the part of the governed; then diligence and
excellent patriotism on the part of the rulers for the new system to stay. It was
clear that most Nigerians were not ready to contribute their own quota of patiently
crossing the necessary hurdle that leads to greatness. Corruption saturated the
polity, dotted by slim work ethics– people reaping where they did not sow. But
Gen. Buhari confronted the prevailing situation with diligence and hard work, –a
situation where people will only reap where they have diligently sown. The
administration also planted a seed of accountability in a society where people were
hitherto not accountable.
The economy was re-positioned, where the internal energies will be harnessed for
a high level production; and patronage to the indigenous products will be higher
than that of the foreign products. This was about entering into a stage of stability
when the administration was overthrown. It will be important to understand that
the only year, starting from the first republic to the period under review, when
Nigeria paid promptly all imports with foreign exchange earned by the nation and
not borrowed from any international organization outside Nigeria was in 1984.60
Throughout his stewardship, Nigeria never borrowed from any organization, he
refuse to devalue the Nigerian currency, this re-established her image in the
international market.
As postulated by Kwame Nkrumah, that before nation building programmes will
be sustained, that African leaders must produce unimpeachable evidence of
integrity, honesty, selflessness and faithfulness in the position in which they are
placed by the constitution61. Buhari and his comrades ton an extent displayed these
attributes as enumerated. Never enriching themselves, never defrauding the
country, but busy recovering all that Nigeria have lost in the hands of un-patriotic
statesmen. The consciousness of belonging to a country was re-established in the
minds of countrymen who have previously lost hope and interest in Nigeria.
The extent at which he authoritatively drove his policies, to many Nigerians, might
not be the best; for instance the banning of Nigerian Medical Association and
sacking of its members from public quarters for protesting against the deplorable
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condition in teaching hospitals and poor conditions of service. The sacking of the
Nigerian airline pilots for demanding a review in their salaries and improvement
of their working condition;62 the list goes on. But that should not dismiss the fact
that the period was not a time when Nigerians should place so much demand on
the government having understood that the administration had not yet stabilized in
the new course she was charting for the sustainance of the country. Having refused
to devalue the naira so as to borrow money from foreign banks, but opted to run
the country including paying her backlog of dept with internally generated
revenue. Over the period, he was particular about inculcating and developing the
best ethical standard that will drive the country into self sufficiency and total
liberation.
Conclusion.
The Buhari administration which lasted between December 31st 1983 and August
27th 1985 was an administration saddled with lots of criticisms; such criticisms
following the enactment of the State Security Decree Degree No 2 of 1984, which
empowered the Chief of Staff supreme headquarters (Major General Tunde
Idiagbon) to arrest and detain persons offending against issues bordering on
national security. Decree No 3 of 1984, which empowered the military tribunals,
seen by many citizens saw as Kangaroo courts, to try and jail people either for life
or 21 years if they are found to have enriched themselves up to the tune of one
million naira.63 Decree 4 that made it an offence to publish any information or
news that could be interpreted as embarrassing to any public official whether such
published news or information was truthful or not.64 Many innocent citizens were
believed to have, out of these decreese punished unjustly and deliberately. It also
made independent journalism difficult in the Nigeria of the period.
But making a change from an existing system into a new one requires a relative
level of force which will guarantee the enforcement of compliance of people into
the system. To Kwame Nkrumah, even a system based on social justice and a
democratic constitution requires an emergency system that will ensure discipline
which, without it, freedom (and a total change) cannot survive. No doubt, all his
decrees were geared towards building a new Nigeria where corruption,
82
82
unproductivity, nepotism and mediocrity will be abhorred; while patriotism,
diligence, excellence and love for Nigeria be extolled.
END NOTES
- R. Udo, “Environment and Peoples of Nigeria” in O. Kime (ed), Groundwork of Nigerian History,
(Ibadan: Heinemann Education books Plc, 1980) p.15. - D.O. Chukwu, An Introduction to Nigerian Political History, (Enugu: Rhema Publication, 2000)
p.30. - K.R. Minogue, Nationalism, (London: University Paper Books, 1967) p.11.
- G. Brown, “Asnte and Fante Kingdoms in the nineteenth century” in J. Anene and G. Brown (eds),
Africa in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (Ibadan: Ibadan University Press 1966) p. 246. - B. Davidson, Growth of African Civilization: A History of West African 1000 – 1800 (London:
Longman Group Limited 1965) p. 72. See also, C. Ifeka and G.T Stride, Peoples and Empires of
West Africa, Edinburgh: Thomas Nelson, 1971, p. - K.R. Minogue, Nationalism etc. p.11.
- R. Muir, Nationalism and Internationalism, Constantable: Oxford, 1959
- K.R. Minogue, Nationalism, etc. p.9.
- C. Calhoun, Nationalism: Concepts in Social Thought, London: Minnesota Press, 1997, p.4
- R. Emerson. From Empire to Nation, (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1962) p.95.
- Ibid, p.97.
- G.A Bingham etal, Comparative Politics Today, 8th Edition, New York: Longman, p.16.
- Ibid
- R. Gofwen, Religious Conflict in Northern Nigeria and Nation-building: The Throes of Two
Decades, 1980-2000, Kaduna: Human Rights Monitor, 2004, p.20 - S. Spiegel and F. Wehling, World Polities in a New Era, (Forth Worth: Harcourt Brace College
Publishers 1999) p.40. - Ibid
- Ibid
- Ibid, p.45
- W. Doyle. The Old European Order: 1600- 1800, (London: Oxford University Press, 1992) p.
329. - S. Spiegel and F. Wehling, World Politics in a New Era, etc, p.81.
- Ibid
- K.R. Minogue, Nationalism, etc. p.13.
83
83 - A. Boahen, “Colonialism in Africa: its Impact and Significance” in A Boahed (ed), UNESCO
History of Africa vol. 7: Africa Under Colonial Domination, 1830 to 1933, (Berkeley: University
of California Press, 1985) p.13. - K.R. Minogue, Nationalism, etc. p.13.
- M. Nwokolo, Basic World Political Theories, (Owerri: Claretian Institute of Philosophy Press,
1988), p.196. - Ibid
- R. Uwechue, Makers of Modern Africa (London: Africa Books Limited, 1991) p.563.
- Ibid
- R.W July, The Origins of Modern African Thought, (London: Faber and Faber Limited, 1968)
p.471. - Ibid, p.472.
- R. Uwechue, Makers of Modern Africa, etc. p.563.
- L. Adamolekun, The Fall of the Second Republic, (Ibadan: Spectrum Books Ltd.,1985) p.75
- Nigerian Observer, 1st January, 1984, p.3.
- L. Adamolekun, The Fall of the Second Republic etc p.75.
- Ibid
- Nigerian Observer, 2nd January, 1984, p.3.
- Nigerian Observer, 10th January, 1984, p.9.
- Ibid
- Nigerian Observer, 11th January, 1984, p.4.
- R. Uwechue, Africa Today, (London: Africa Books Ltd. 1991), p.1472.
- Ibid
- L. Adamolekun, The Fall of Second Republic etc. p.90.
- R. Uwechue, Africa Today etc. p.1473.
- G.O. Orewa, We Are All Guilty: The Nigerian Crisis, (Ibadan: Spectrum Books Ltd. 1997) p.115.
- Ibid, Among the information requested by the government are: Name of Importer; Banker’s name
and address; Name of Exporter/Supplier; Form M number, Number of SGS clean report finding
and date; amount in claim; Drafts of custom bill of entry; Batch number; Batch receipt number;
Merchandise of service ; Data of release number; and L.C. reference number. - R. Uwechue, Africa Today etc. p.1473.
84
84 - L.C. Fejokwu- etal, Political Leadership Hand Book and Who is Who in Nigeria, (Lagos: Polcom
Nig. Ltd., 1992) p.84. - R. Uwechue Africa Today etc. p.1473.
- L. Adamolekun, The Fall of the Second Republic etc. p.90.
- R. Uwechue, Africa Today, etc. p.1473.
- L. Adamolekun, The Fall of the Second Republic etc. p.105, See also L.C. Fejokwu, Political
Leadership Hand Book and Who is Who etl p.84. - L. Adamolekun, The Fall of the Second Republic etc p.105.
- L.C. Fejokwu (etal) Political Leadership Hand Book and Who is Who etc. p.84 – 85.
- Nigerian Tide, Thursday, August 29th, 1985, p.2.
- Nigerian Tide…
- New Nigeria, Thursday, August 29th, 1985,p.3.
- New Nigeria…
- Nigerian Tide, Thursday August 15th, 1985, p.5.
- Concord, Sunday September 1st, 1985, p.9.
- G.O. Drewa, We Are All Guilty: The Nigerian Crisis etc. p.116.
- R. Uwechue, Makers of Modern Africa etc. p.563.
- L. C. Fejokwu (etal), Political Leadership Handbook and Who is Who etc. p.85.
- L. C. Fejokwu (etal), Political Leadership Handbook and Who is Who etc. p.85.
- L. C. Fejokwu (etal), Political Leadership Handbook and Who is Who etc. p.85.
- L. C. Fejokwu (etal), Political Leadership Handbook and Who is Who etc. p.85.
- G.O. Orewa, We Are All Guilty: The Nigerian Crisis etc. p.118.